51吃瓜

A stickler for language, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu twice this month remained conspicuously silent when senior officials from the Trump administration chose words that signaled potential US policy changes towards Gaza, the Palestinians and Hamas. He may not want to awaken sleeping dogs by publicly reading too much into recent by Steve Witkoff, US President Donald Trump鈥檚 Middle East envoy, and Adam Boehler, the president鈥檚 hostage negotiator.

Last month, Boehler set off alarm bells by to Hamas directly. This marked the first ever face-to-face encounter between a US official and the group designated a terrorist organization by the United States.

Hamas鈥檚 hostages trickle out

Netanyahu also seeks to avoid suggestions that the US and Israeli policies may diverge. Even so, he cannot ignore what Witkoff and Boehler鈥檚 remarks signaled: The Trump administration might soften its attitude towards Hamas if the group releases the remaining 59 hostages it鈥檚 held since its October 7 attack on Israel, disarms and agrees not to be part of Gaza鈥檚 post-war administration.

With some 1,200 people, mostly civilians, killed in the infamous attack, that鈥檚 a no-go as far as Netanyahu is concerned. He insists there is nothing to talk about except the release of the hostages and the destruction of Hamas. In his mind, that can only be achieved militarily.

Netanyahu鈥檚 assertions are not borne out by 17 months of war, even if Israel has substantially weakened Hamas at significant cost to Gaza鈥檚 population. The majority of the 251 people Hamas and other Palestinians kidnapped in the attack have seen in negotiated prisoner exchanges with Israel. These releases were not a result of Israeli military action.

Similarly, Hamas demonstrated in recent days that Israel鈥檚 devastation of Gaza has not deprived the group of its ability to fire at Israeli cities. The organization will likely wage a guerrilla war if Israel reoccupies Gaza and takes responsibility for administering the Strip.

Finding Hamas鈥檚 humanity

A careful reading of Witkoff鈥檚 90-minute interview with , an influential far-right podcaster who has platformed Holocaust deniers and critics of Israel, suggests Israel and the United States could find themselves on opposite sides of the Israeli鈥揚alestinian issue. Like Boehler, Witkoff argued that he needs to understand all parties in order to do his job.

鈥淚鈥檝e never really been in the same room as (Hamas), which is a little bit weird, wouldn鈥檛 you say? Like a negotiation where you don鈥檛 have the other party. You don鈥檛 even know if the guy behind the wall is the Wizard of Oz,鈥� Witkoff said.

In contrast to Netanyahu, Witkoff concluded after more than two months of indirect negotiations with Hamas that the group was not 鈥渋deologically intractable.鈥� He seemed to imply that he may be able to do business with the group.

Based on US intelligence reports and 鈥渢he rhythm and the cadence of the negotiation,鈥� Witkoff decided that Hamas leaders were not hellbent on death and destruction.

鈥淥nce you understand that (Hamas) wanted to live, then you were able to talk to them in a more effective way. That鈥檚 when I came to the conclusion that they wanted alternatives,鈥� Witkoff said.

The envoy added, 鈥淚 don鈥檛 think anyone has a feeling that you can just kill off Hamas. It鈥檚 an idea鈥� (but) we just can鈥檛 have an October 7 ever again. October 7 was like 9/11 in the United States.鈥�

Earlier, Boehler said after he met with Hamas that he was trying 鈥渢o identify with the human elements of those people and then build from there.鈥� He argued that the 鈥渕ost productive鈥� approach is 鈥渢o realize that every piece of a person is a human.鈥�

Witkoff signed off on Boehler鈥檚 meetings with Hamas.

Even so, Netanyahu was careful not to publicly criticize Trump and Witkoff for allowing Boehler to meet with Hamas. Tellingly, Trump reportedly Boehler from the hostage negotiations with Hamas, but did not fire him. This removal is unlikely to reassure Netanyahu, who views Hamas as terrorists, murderers and rapists who need to be hunted down and killed.

In late March, Hamas acknowledged that Israel had a member of its Political Bureau, Salah al-Bardaweel, in an air strike in the Gazan city of Khan Younis. Israel itself declared it had two senior Hamas security operatives, Rashid Jahjouh and Amin Eslaiah.

Israel has eliminated numerous Hamas officials since the Gaza war erupted, including its leader, Yahya Sinwar; its military commander, Mohammed Deif and its chief negotiator and head of the Political Bureau, Ismail Haniyeh.

Witkoff made clear in his interview that he rejected Hamas鈥檚 return to rule Gaza, even if he had a more layered understanding of the group.

鈥淲hat鈥檚 acceptable to us is they need to demilitarize. Then maybe they could stay there a little bit. Be involved politically. But they can鈥檛 be involved militarily. We can鈥檛 have a terrorist organization running Gaza because that won鈥檛 be acceptable to Israel,鈥� Witkoff said, seemingly parting ways with Netanyahu.

Defending targeted Qatar

Determined to defend Qatar against assertions that it was in bed with Hamas, Witkoff seemed to advise Netanyahu to drop his long-standing attempts to undermine the Gulf state鈥檚 role as a mediator. Witkoff said he could avoid engaging with Hamas directly because he trusted Qatar as his go-between.

鈥淚f I didn鈥檛 trust the Qataris, then that would be really problematic, not meeting with Hamas,鈥� he said.

Netanyahu and his surrogates have, in recent weeks, stepped up their of Qatar despite the prime minister鈥檚 convoluted relationship with the Gulf state. This campaign is as much an effort to undermine the Gulf state鈥檚 status as a Gaza mediator as it is to prevent Netanyahu from being held accountable for his years-long of Qatari funding for Hamas to keep the Palestinian polity divided between the Gaza-based group and the West Bank-based, internationally recognized Palestine Authority.

Responding to Witkoff鈥檚 interview, Doha-based Hamas official Hussam Badran that the group would not disarm 鈥渁s long as the occupation exists,鈥� a reference to Israel鈥檚 presence in Gaza and the West Bank. Simultaneously, Hamas officials have repeatedly said that the group did not to be part of Gaza鈥檚 post-war administration.

Pressuring Hamas and reimagining Gaza鈥檚 future

Witkoff suggested that the resumption of Israel鈥檚 assault on Gaza in violation of the ceasefire agreement he negotiated in January was a way of pressuring Hamas to make further concessions.

鈥淭he Israelis going in (to Gaza) is in some respects unfortunate, and in some respects falls into the 鈥榟ad to be鈥� bucket鈥� We may be able to use this to get Hamas to be a whole lot more reasonable.鈥�

Netanyahu is likely to appreciate that Witkoff鈥檚 greater understanding of Hamas did not persuade the envoy that a Palestinian state alongside Israel was the only way to resolve the Israeli鈥揚alestinian conflict.

On the contrary, Witkoff dismissed the notion of a two-state solution as 鈥渏ust a word.鈥� He went on to say that 鈥渨hat two-state to me means is how do we have a better living prescription for Palestinians who are living in Gaza?鈥�

Witkoff continued: 鈥淚t鈥檚 not just about housing. Maybe it鈥檚 about AI coming there. Maybe it鈥檚 about hyper-scale data centres being seeded into that area鈥� Maybe it鈥檚 about blockchain and robotics coming there. Maybe it鈥檚 about pharmaceutical manufacturing coming there. We can鈥檛 rebuild Gaza, and it be based on a welfare system. We have to give people economic and financial prospects.鈥�

Witkoff seemed to skirt Trump鈥檚 proposal to resettle Gaza鈥檚 2.3 million Palestinians elsewhere and turn the Strip into a high-end beachfront real estate .

鈥淲hat we鈥檙e going to do with Gaza is going to become much more apparent over the next six to 12 months,鈥� Witkoff said.

[ first published this piece.]

[ edited this piece.]

The views expressed in this article are the author鈥檚 own and do not necessarily reflect 51吃瓜鈥檚 editorial聽policy.