51吃瓜

In a world where the radical right is most certainly on the rise, Poland has become a key stomping ground for its adherents.

In recent years, Poland has attracted more attention from the international community than any time since its break from communism almost 30 years ago, rivaled only by its joining of the European Union in 2004. In 2015, the nationalist, social-conservative and Euroskeptic Law and Justice party (PiS) won an outright majority in the national elections with 37.6% of the vote 鈥� something no Polish party has achieved since the communist collapse. This followed the election of the party鈥檚 presidential candidate, Andrzej Duda, giving the PiS full control over Poland鈥檚 executive arm of government.

Since then, PiS has come under heavy criticism from the Western media, governments and institutions for its measures to turn Poland into an authoritarian state. For example, almost immediately after consolidating power, the government signed a bill putting state media under government control. As a result, the treasury minister is now responsible for hiring and firing senior figures in public television and radio, transferring power from the National Broadcasting Council, which has prompted accusations that the government is behind attempts to 鈥�.鈥�

Under the guise of tackling corruption, the party has introduced reforms in a bid to take control of Poland鈥檚 courts. This directly challenges the standards of the Polish Constitution, which protects the independence of the Polish judiciary. Most recently, and just as controversially, is the change in the anti-defamation law, which took effect in March 2018, making it a criminal offense for anyone (inside or outside of Poland) to accuse the Polish nation of complying or assisting the Nazis with their rampage of terror during the Second World War, despite overwhelming evidence that some Polish citizens encouraged and even took part in barbarous acts.

Critics view this as not only an attempt to whitewash history, but as an attack on free speech and academic discourse. These dictatorial measures have met with worldwide condemnation, including from the European Union, which is with 鈥渦nprecedented disciplinary measures.鈥�

Patriotic Action

However, overshadowed by these blatant attempts by the Polish government to challenge liberalism and undermine democracy, far less attention has been focused on Poland鈥檚 emergence as a key hub for the radical right. Buoyed on by the new conditions in their country, in Europe and across the globe, these radical groups and individuals, often supported by members of the ruling party, feel enabled and encouraged to spread their messages of hate. As a result, Poland has become a center for transnational radical-right activity.

In recent years, Poland鈥檚 annual Independence Day march (11 November), organized by three far-right groups 鈥� All-Polish Youth, National Movement and National Radical Camp 鈥� has been dominated by radical-right activists, resulting in commentators branding the 2017 鈥渢he world鈥檚 largest far-right gathering.鈥� Police estimate the 2017 march attracted around 60,000 people from all over Europe and beyond, a significant increase from the 500 present for the听 in 2009. Besides Polish racists, some of whom had their travel expenses paid by Stalowa Wola鈥檚 PiS mayor, Lucjusz Nadbere偶ny, among the crowd was a large contingent of international radical-right players who propagated anti-Muslim, anti-Semitic and sentiments.

For example, one of the first to speak at the rally was , leader of the openly fascist Italian political party , who called for the (white) Europe. L谩szl贸 Toroczkai, vice president of Hungary’s fascist party Jobbik, complained to the crowd of the EU鈥檚 refugee resettlement program, claiming that 鈥淭he threat comes from Brussels … Poles and Hungarians are capable of changing Europe.鈥� A representative of the Slovakian far right used the stage for a rallying cry: “It鈥檚 time for the European nationalists to unite in the fight against neo-Marxists and Islamists,”听 that 鈥淧oland is the role model for Europe.鈥�

A strong radical-right contingent from Britain was also present. Prominent anti-Muslim activist and former leader of the English Defence League, Stephen Yaxley-Lennon (aka Tommy Robinson), attended the march and was interviewed on the 鈥淚slamization of Britain鈥� by Polish media. Also present was Rebel Media (Canadian-based right-wing media outlet) employee and former British National Party activist Jack Buckby, who live-streamed the event on Periscope.

At a parallel march in Wroclaw, Jayda Fransen, deputy leader of the UK鈥檚 most prolific anti-Muslim hate group Britain First, alongside the notorious Polish anti-Semitic and Islamophobic priest Jacek Mi臋dlar. In addition, members of the UK-based Polish far-right youth group Patriae Fidelis also traveled to the .

Chauvinistic and hate-filled banners and chanting were commonplace throughout the rally. Placards bearing racist slogans such as 鈥淚slam = terror鈥� 鈥減ure blood, clear mind,鈥� 鈥淲hite Europe of Brotherly Nations鈥� and 鈥淓urope will be white or uninhabited鈥� were flown proudly in the air, while 鈥淪ieg Heil!鈥� was chanted by sections of the crowd. When pro-PiS Polish state TV asked one participant live on camera why he was in attendance, he replied, 鈥淭o get the Jews out of power.鈥� What the EU considered a 鈥渪enophobic and fascist march,鈥� the PiS described as 鈥減atriotic鈥� action, with then Polish Minister for Interior Mariusz B艂aszczak it 鈥渁 beautiful sight.鈥�

New Center

Before the march, the Polish white nationalist publication Szturm organized an international far-right conference held at the Polish parliament. The conference attracted media coverage because of the withdrawal of its headline speaker 鈥� arguably the world鈥檚 best-known white supremacist 鈥� the American Richard Spencer, leader of the alt-right movement. The Polish government denounced Spencer for engaging in Holocaust denial; the minister of foreign affairs at the time, Witold Waszczykowski, insisted that Spencer 鈥渟hould not appear publicly, and especially not in Poland.鈥� However, while attracting far less publicity, around 100 radical-right activists from across the globe did , including the European editor of Spencer鈥檚 AltRight.com, Daniel Friberg, Jobbik鈥檚 Toroczkai and the founder of the Russian white nationalist clothing brand Denis Nikitin.

Emboldened by this new center of radical-right activism, a multinational neo-Nazi music festival was being organized in Poland to celebrate Hitler鈥檚 birthday on April 20. According to the Polish news outlet听Gazeta Wyborcza, neo-Nazi hate group Club 28, which has links to the notorious international neo-Nazi music production network听Blood & Honor, planned to host the event with bands from around the world booked to play; for example, H8 Machine from the USA and Heiliger from Germany were likely to headline. This year鈥檚 event was expected to attract far greater numbers than last year鈥檚, which was infiltrated by journalists from Poland鈥檚 independent TVN broadcasting network who, along with capturing footage of a swastika-shaped birthday cake, reported that an aide to an MP was involved with the neo-Nazi group听.

However, Poland鈥檚 Internal Security Agency and police prevented the event from taking place. Public propagation of totalitarian ideologies like fascism (and communism) are outlawed in Poland. Furthermore, the organizers of the concert were detained by the security services in a raid in Dzier偶oni贸w, southwestern Poland. The police closed off areas of the town, preventing residents from leaving their homes amid fears of . That said, many of Poland鈥檚 Hitler-worshippers crossed national boundaries to Germany and the border town of Ostritz, where thousands gathered at a neo-Nazi held a rock festival, Schild und Schwert (shield and sword), to celebrate the .

Poland has become a crucible for the radical right. The current government鈥檚 path toward authoritarianism, as well as certain government officials actively supporting the activities of racist nationalists, has greatly assisted in turning the country into a hotbed of transnational radical-right activity. In a world where the radical right is most certainly on the rise and, with radical-right events attracting an ever-increasing number of followers for the ever more vocal figureheads,听Poland has become a key stomping ground for its adherents.

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The views expressed in this article are the author鈥檚 own and do not necessarily reflect 51吃瓜鈥檚 editorial policy.

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