51吃瓜

After a year of earthshaking victories and devastating setbacks, Europe鈥檚 new progressive parties are slowly learning how to balance governance with activism.

Over the past year, left and center-left parties have taken control of two European countries and hold the balance of power in a third. Elections in Greece, Portugal and Spain saw right-wing parties take a beating and tens of millions of voters reject the economic austerity policies of the European Union (EU).

But what can these left parties accomplish? Can they really roll back regressive taxes and restore funding for education, health care and social services? Can they bypass austerity programs to jumpstart economies weighted down by staggering jobless numbers? Or are they trapped in a game with loaded dice and marked cards? And, for that matter, who is the left?

Center vs Left

Socialist and social democratic parties in France and Germany haven鈥檛 lifted a finger to support left-led anti-austerity campaigns in Greece, Spain, Ireland or Portugal, and many of them helped institute鈥攐r went along with鈥攏eoliberal policies they now say they oppose. Established socialist parties all over Europe tend to campaign from the left, but govern from the center.

Last year鈥檚 electoral earthquakes were triggered not by the traditional socialist parties鈥攖hose parties did poorly in Greece, Spain and Portugal鈥攂ut by activist left parties, like Syriza in Greece, Podemos in Spain and the Left Bloc in Portugal.

With the exception of Ireland鈥檚 Sinn Fein, all of these parties were either birthed by, or became prominent during, the financial meltdown of 2008 that plunged Europe into economic crisis. Podemos came directly out of the massive plaza demonstrations by the听Indignados (the 鈥淚ndignant Ones鈥�) in Spain鈥檚 major cities in 2011.

Syriza and the Left Bloc predated the 2011 uprising, but they were politically marginal until the EU instituted a draconian austerity program that generated massive unemployment, homelessness, poverty and economic inequality.

Resistance to the austerity policies of the 鈥渢roika鈥濃�攖he European Commission, the European Central Bank, and the 鈥攙aulted these left parties from the periphery to the center. Syriza became the largest party in Greece and assumed power in 2015. Podemos was the only left party that gained votes in the recent Spanish election, and it holds the balance of power in the formation of a new government. And Portugal鈥檚 Left Bloc, along with the Communist-Green Alliance, has formed a coalition government with the country鈥檚 Socialist Workers Party.

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But with success has come headaches. Syriza won the Greek elections on a platform of resisting the troika鈥檚 austerity policies, only to have to听听of them. In Portugal, the Left Bloc and the Communist-Green Alliance are unhappy with the Socialist Party鈥檚 commitment to repay Portugal鈥檚 quite unpayable debt. Spain鈥檚 Podemos听听a united front with the Socialist Party, only to find there are some in that organization who would rather bed down with Spain鈥檚 right-wing Popular Party than break bread with Podemos.

Big vs Small

Lessons learned? It is still too early to draw any firm conclusions about what the 2015 earthquake accomplished, but there are some obvious lessons.

First, austerity is unpopular. As Italy鈥檚 prime minister,听, put it after the Spanish election: 鈥淕overnments which apply rigid austerity measures are destined to lose their majorities.鈥�

Second, if you鈥檙e a small economy, taking the power of capital head on is likely to get you trampled. The troika didn鈥檛 just force Syriza to institute more austerity: It made the austerity more onerous鈥攁 not very subtle message to voters in Portugal and Spain. But people in both countries didn鈥檛 buy it, in large part because after four years of misery, their economies are still not back to where they were in 2008.

The troika can crush Greece鈥擯ortugal as well鈥攂ut Spain is another matter. It鈥檚 the 14^th largest economy in the world and the fifth largest in the EU. And now听, the fourth largest economy in the union, is growing increasingly restive with the tight budget policies of the EU that have kept the jobless rate high.

But can these anti-austerity coalitions force the troika to back off?

A major part of the problem is the EU itself, and in particular the eurozone鈥攖he 19 countries that use the euro as a common currency. The euro is controlled by the European Central Bank, which in practice means Germany. In an economic crisis, most countries manipulate their currencies鈥攖he United States, the United Kingdom and China come to mind鈥攁s part of a strategy to pay down debt and restart their economies. The members of the eurozone don鈥檛 have that power.

Germany pursues policies that favor its industrial, export-driven economy, but that model is nothing like the economies of Greece, Portugal, Spain or even Italy. Nor are any of those countries likely to reproduce the German model, because they don鈥檛 have the resources (or history) to do so.

Inside vs Outside

Complicating matters are political divisions among the troika鈥檚 left opponents. For instance, Syriza is under attack from its left flank for not exiting the eurozone. Former Syriza Chief Economic Advisor听听charges that the party has abandoned its activist roots and become just another political party more interested in power than principles. There are similar tensions in Spain and Portugal.

Over the past year, left and center-left parties have taken control of two European countries and hold the balance of power in a third. Elections in Greece, Portugal and Spain saw right-wing parties take a beating and tens of millions of voters reject the economic austerity policies of the European Union.

But what to do next isn鈥檛 so obvious. Withdrawing from the eurozone can be perilous. In Greece鈥檚 case, the European Central Bank threatened to shut off the country鈥檚 money supply, making it almost impossible for Athens to pay for food, medical and energy imports, or finance its own exports. In short, it threatened Greece with economic collapse and possible social chaos.

But following the policies of the troika sentences countries to permanent debt, rising poverty rates and a growing wealth gap. Portugal has one of the highest inequality rates in Europe, and Spain鈥檚 national unemployment rate is 21%鈥攁nd double that among the young. Greece鈥檚 figures are far higher.

The left coalitions are far from powerless, however. Portugal鈥檚 coalition government just introduced a听听that will lift the minimum wage, reverse public sector wage cuts, roll back many tax increases,听听of education and transportation, and put more money into schools and medical care.

But this doesn鈥檛 mean everything is smooth sailing. The coalition has already fallen out over a bank bailout and it disagrees on the debt. But so far the parties are still working together. Jeremy Corbyn, the newly elected left leader of the British Labour Party, hails the Portugal alliance as the beginning of an 鈥渁nti-austerity coalition鈥� across the continent.

Bridging the Divides

Interesting developments in Spain address the tensions between street activism and political parties.听, a long-time housing expert from Boston and an analyst for NACLA, has studied Barcelona鈥檚 鈥淧latform of People Affected by Mortgages,鈥� or PAH.

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PAH came out of Spain鈥檚 catastrophic housing crisis brought on by the financial meltdown of 2008. Some 650,000 homes are in foreclosure, and 400,000 families have been evicted. Worse still, Spanish homeowners are responsible for debts even after declaring bankruptcy鈥攄ebts that can block them from renting an apartment, buying a home or purchasing a car.

At the same time, according to the 2013 census, 34 million homes and apartments鈥�14% of the country鈥檚 housing stock鈥攁re vacant, most of them owned by banks. And since Barcelona has become one of Europe鈥檚 tourist magnets, 鈥渢ens of thousands of once-affordable apartments are marketed to tourists through on-line platforms like Airbnb,鈥� says Achtenberg, exacerbating the situation.

With the help of Podemos, progressive activists linked to CAH and other groups won control of the听听in 2015. Ada Colau, the mayor of Barcelona, is a founder of PAH. She and her allies on the city council have slowed down the evictions, cracked down on unlicensed Airbnb owners, and leaned on the banks to free up vacant homes and apartments.

PAH now has some 200 chapters all over the country and is planning to press the national parliament to end Spain鈥檚 鈥渄ebt for life鈥� law, which traps bankrupt people with crushing debt from their homes. While allied with Podemos, PAH has maintained its political independence, working both sides of the street: sit-ins and protests, and running for office.

鈥淎 perennial question,鈥� says Achtenberg, 鈥渋s whether the impetus for progressive change comes from inside the institution, or from the streets. In Barcelona today, it seems that both strategies are needed, and are working.鈥� As Colau says, for progressive movements, 鈥渂oth are indispensible. For real democracy to exist, there should always be an organized citizenry keeping an eye on government鈥攏o matter who is in charge.鈥�

Between Change and Co-optation

Putting people in apartments and raising minimum wages doesn鈥檛 overthrow capitalism, but many activists argue that such victories are essential for convincing people that change is possible and that the troika isn鈥檛 all-powerful. They also play to the left鈥檚 strong suit: building a humanistic society.

Finding that fine line between change and cooptation isn鈥檛 easy, and one formula doesn鈥檛 fit all circumstances. Spain has more breathing room than Portugal and Greece simply because it鈥檚 bigger. Yet the Portuguese may find their path a bit easier simply because they have allies in the eurozone. As Greek Prime Minister听听says: 鈥淚 think it is not so easy to change Europe when you are alone.鈥�

In the end, the path may be like that old peace song: 鈥淚f two and two and 50 make a million, we鈥檒l see that day come 鈥榬ound.鈥�

*[This article was originally published by .]

The views expressed in this article are the author鈥檚 own and do not necessarily reflect 51吃瓜鈥檚 editorial policy.

Photo Credit:听 / 听

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