International Security

A Surge in Attacks: Houthi Rebels Exploit Oil Infrastructure

Houthi Rebels strike again with stronger and smarter malice. Their intent to harm the humanitarian organizations in their territory is an alarming sign to officialize them as a terror group.
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Al-Houthi militia

Soldier fighting in the ranks of the legitimate army against Al-Houthi militia in the Taiz City, Yemen.

December 22, 2022 12:43 EDT
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The Internationally Recognized Government (IRG) of Yemen has designated Houthi rebels as a terror group. In an unprecedented move, the National Defense Council () released its official following drone strikes claimed by the Sana’a-based rebels on Rudhum terminal and port. The operations launched by Houthi rebels between October 15 to were the first strikes since the UN-brokered truce on October 2.

As the truce expired, Houthi military spokesman, General , and Houthi delegate,, published statements foreign oil companies and vessels operating in Yemen. The were in line with Houthi demands for a larger share of oil revenue as part of failed with UN Special Envoy to extend the six month long ceasefire. The incidents temporarily suspended production and exports. Only a week later, Cal Valley Petroleum declared and suspended all work starting November 1.


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After eight years of conflict between the IRG and Houthi rebels, the listing by the NDC came a week after urged the UN Security Council (UNSC) “to designate Houthis as terrorists.” Calls at the Security Council by Saudi Arabia aimed to expand on language used in UNSC Resolution 2624 (2022), where at the urging of the the Council referred to Houthis as a “.” These efforts by members of the Arab to restore legitimacy aim to pressure the and the EU to officially designate the Iran-backed militia a “terrorist organization.”

An Increasing Threat

The accuracy and velocity of the latest drone strikes by Houthis are an indication of increasing capabilities, including intelligence resources. This should not come as a surprise following months of recruitment and deployment of troops and weapons by Houthis, who organized a dozen throughout northern Yemen during the period of the UN-brokered truce.Their recent choice of targets also indicates a clear shift in strategy since the truce expired. Prior to the start of the truce in 2022, Houthis focused on cross-border strikes against targets in and the . The shift to oil facilities within Yemen fits the Houthi narrative, calling the IRG mercenaries and the coalition members “”, Yemen’s oil.

Demands by Houthis for a bigger share of oil revenue appears to extend from decreasing sources of income this year. The UN donors conference in 2022 only delivered $1.3 billion from the requested. This has affected humanitarian operations across Houthi-held territory. It was a major blow from the rebels who profit from the entire : from collecting taxes at the port, to the control of ground transport and warehousing, to the local civil society organizations in charge of distribution of aid, and now to the and foreign exchange shops. The decrease in the flow of aid has affected the entire cycle, which also maintains a complex patronage of networks, sustaining the elite down to tribal levies.


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By targeting the at al-Nushayma, Shabwa, the rebels also sent a message to the Southern Transitional Council (STC), whose ally is now of Shabwa province. The aim is to prevent the STC from profiting off oil exports. In , near al-Rayyan airport, the drone strikes on the South Korean vessel were called a warning by Houthis to foreign companies, more specifically, those that are linked to members of the coalition. Al-Masirah media reported Houthis used for the strikes in al-Dhaba.

New Targets   

While Houthi drone strikes within Yemeni territory are not new, the locations and distance show a shift amid a new balance of power. Aden has been a target along with nearby military bases and high-ranking security officers, but the reach to facilities along the coastlines of Hadramawt and Shabwa with such accuracy represent new threats to rising powers like the Southern Transitional Council (STC). The stalemate in al-Dhale province between Houthis and pro-STC forces remains months after southern Giants Brigades expelled Houthis from Bayhan, Shabwa. 

In January 2022, the clashes along Shabwa’s western mountains delivered the first major over the Houthis, reversing territorial gains beyond the old north-south divide. A fractured national army and a al-Islah party had placed pro-STC forces at the forefront in the fight against Houthis. This new balance comes with a high price for southerners, and Houthi strikes on oil facilities in southern provinces aim at dragging STC forces into direct confrontations along new frontlines.

Houthis know southern forces are stretched along multiple fronts. Security Belt Forces continue to advance across against terrorist elements, while Amalaqa and Shabwa Defense Forces cleanse Shabwa of elements that oppose governor Awad al-Awlaqi. Attacks on vital energy infrastructure come at a minimal risk and cost for Houthis. They are gambling on either instigating a wider response by the National Army or the coalition, which leads to a return of cross-border strikes on Saudi Arabia and the UAE, or a mobilization by southern forces that are already stretched thin.

The government of Yemen echoed members of the and has called for the international community to strengthen its stance on Houthis to designate the militia a terror group. by western following the attack on al-Dhaba ports have also come under criticism for their weak stance since the truce expired. In absence of compromise on a new ceasefire threatens an escalation across battlefronts under new conditions with higher stakes for warring parties.  

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The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect 51Թ’s editorial policy.

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