In the days and weeks since the North Korea nuclear crisis began, there has been a scramble of analyses over what happened and what will happen next. The tenor of this analysis was incorporated in a Timothy Beardon commentary for the Financial Times under the headline, “.” The piece argued that China would continue to support North Korea no matter what. It further argued that China did not want a united Korea allied to the US and the possibility of an influx of refugees if the North Korean government collapsed, and that China needed its communist neighbour to be a strategic buffer in the region. 

As new questions arise, however, this line of reasoning appears to be outdated and not in tune with the changing dynamics of power in the Asia Pacific. Since the end of WWII, China's communist government has had great relations with the Kim dynasty beginning with the patriarch Kim II-Sung, the first ruler of North Korea and whose leadership style mirrored that of China’s Mao Zedong. Even to this day, the state propaganda exercised inside Pyongyang is eerily reminiscent of Mao's personality cult prevalent in the late 60s. However, after Deng Xiaoping’s came to power in the late 1970s, China began to usher in great changes even as it successfully adapted its communist doctrine  into a market economy.

China's economic rise followed on the heels of Asia’s famous “four little dragons” — Hong Kong, Taiwan, South Korea and Singapore. The fact that three of the four spoke a form of Chinese was not lost on the economic pundits and political reformers alike, who predicted that those small economies would play a crucial role in China's eventual rise as an economic power house. Not far away, Vietnam, another communist bastion, too changed its tack to follow China's strategy of reforms by adapting to a market driven economy. On the other hand, North Korea, with its ever tightening iron-fist over the country, refused to transform itself; a direction that was strikingly similar to the trajectory communist Cuba was taking. Yet, up until now, China has continued to give diplomatic support and financial aid to North Korea following the principles of "buffer diplomacy."

After Kim II-Sung died, his son Kim Jong-il continued his father's repressive rule and embarked on developing nuclear and missile technology, even as the United States and its Western allies were channeling most of their political and diplomatic capital on trying to keep countries like Iran and Iraq from developing indigenous nuclear capabilities. North Korea has since used its leverage to extract food aid and cash from the West. All along China nudged North Korea into moving into a market economy, just like Vietnam. But Beijing’s initiatives were rebuffed by Kim Jong-il who wanted a status quo.

That fact that China had signaled for North Korea to move forward is important. It debunks the belief that it has been satisfied with the stagnant position between the countries. According to Dan Blumenthal, director of Asian Studies in the American Enterprise Institute, the Chinese funneled money into North Korea through its banks in China and other small Chinese banks. The money came primarily from China's purchase of raw materials from North Korea and through Chinese banks. The money was then laundered into Macao and then abroad. Blumenthal estimates that the Kim family accumulated billions outside of North Korea via this route. It is telling that a North Korean bank in China was quietly closed down recently, even as tensions soared on the Korean peninsula.     

The hardline stance from Kim Jong-un was a surprise to many in the international circles. The media seemed to be enjoying a honeymoon period with the 29-year-old leader, who at first had appeared to be more amicable than his glum looking father. Journalists also hyped up the invitation to the US basketball player, Dennis Rodman, but that move betrayed Kim's real intention behind the threats Pyongyang made towards South Korea, Japan and the United States. A new leader is always hungry for recognition. By using a tough stance against the United States and its allies in the Pacific, Kim Jong-un was able to create the image he desired – that he was tougher than his father. He was so convincing that the United States was forced to brief China on what would happen if North Korea were to launch attacks on its allies and their national interests. The realization that China could be dragged into a war by its treaty with North Korea greatly alarmed the leaders in Beijing. Unsurprisingly, China acted promptly and had stern warnings for its communist ally, while also playing a behind-the-scenes role to rein the North Korean leadership. Zbigniew Brezezinski, a commentator and former National Security Adviser to former US President Jimmy Carter, hailed this as the beginning of a great cooperation between China and the United States.

So what is in store for the China-North Korea relationship? It is evident that China is reevaluating its ties with North Korea. Xi Jinping, the new Chinese president, is acutely aware of the public opinion at home and seeks its approval. He had already sent the newly elected president of South Korea, Park Geun-hye, an invitation to come to Beijing whilst giving Kim Jong-un the cold shoulder. Xi is mindful of the trade power and influence of the South Korean media in his country. One such example of the media’s growing influence became apparent when Kim Jong-un was referred to as “Fat Kim No. 3” by the Chinese bloggers on Weibo.

It is extremely doubtful that Chinese public opinion would support the government going to war with South Korea to honour its ties with North Korea. Of course, all of this does not mean that China is going to shift sides tomorrow and support a unified Korea. Both China and South Korea have lingering WWII issues with Japan. This relationship remains problematic, even as more pro-military rhetoric pours in from the Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe in the light of rekindled territorial disputes.

The speculation therefore is that South Korea will become increasingly more important in China’s economic calculations. If Kim is content to follow China's guidance, the status quo is likely to continue awhile. Kim Jong-un, so far, has forced China to reassess its Korea policy based upon the three "Nos" — no war, no chaos, no nukes, and recently made "no nukes" its top priority. It is safe to say that China will not make any changes in the position with North Korea anytime soon. But if the situation in the Korean Peninsula changes drastically all of a sudden, China appears more than ready to rethink its support for the Pyongyang government. 

The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect 51勛圖's editorial policy.

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Historically speaking, China has problems with the law. The older generation does not see laws as rights but rather as rules that are thrust upon them, to be obeyed without question. Chinese proverbs such as “the one who creates the law dies by the law” or “turbulent times demand harsh laws” make laws sound negative but necessary without any notion of justice. It was the wise judges who interpreted the laws that were praised in literature and folklore instead of the law itself. That’s because the laws were made for and by the ruling elite; so the person who actually interpreted them was the one wielding power.

In the Past

My father once told me: “The rest of the world follows rule of law but in China people make the rules.” That is true. China has never put the rule of law above anyone, even those who make decisions in matters of life and death. What is needed is higher importance to be placed on the enforcement of written law, as opposed to favoritism towards the powerful elite that wield its power. The concept that nobody is above the law – including the emperor himself — dates back thousands of years, but has hardly ever been put to practice. Ironically, in China, only the strong and powerful can push reforms forward effectively; a reality also reflected in  history.

When Doctor Sun Yat Sen was named provisional president of the new Chinese Republic in December 1911, he had great difficulty in reminding people that he wasn't the new emperor and had to refuse the traditional kneeling and kowtow tributes usually reserved for such a dignitary. For nearly 5,000 years, Chinese politics served to preserve dominant and powerful men; only recently did the country introduce a party system of governance, politics and constitutional law. Even then it was a single party with complete control of the country’s reins. Sun was quickly replaced by another mighty challenger, Yuen Sai Hoi. However, after Yuen's unsuccessful bid to crown himself the emperor, China plunged into a period of competing warlords until Chiang Kai Shek was able to unite the Chinese government under his control.

China again changed hands when the Chinese Communist Party, under the leadership of Mao Tse Dong, defeated the nationalists and emerged as the new sun on the country’s political horizon. Under Mao, China made great leaps and introduced reforms, although most of them ended disastrously. Nonetheless, he remained firmly in control of the communist nation. Under the tutelage of Deng Xiaoping, who rose from the ashes of the Cultural Revolution and pushed for open-market reform over the late 1970s to 1980s, the foundation of modern China’s prosperity and growth was laid.

Egypt and the US

In 2012, months before he was to step down from power, Premier Wen Jia Bao gave a speech on how political reforms should be the main theme in the coming years, for the current economic prosperity could not be sustained without taking steps to remedy the present situation. Most people viewed this as a call for democratizing the ancient country through open elections. They all missed the boat. The most important component of all reforms should be to first establish the rule of law.

In this context, Egypt stands as a powerful example of quasi democracy. Even though President Mohammed Morsi of Egypt was elected democratically, his recent disregard for the rule of law by pushing his own mandate reveals how the absence of a robust constitutional framework can still undermine the idea of democracy. On the flip side, the United States has remained powerful, prosperous and innovative much due to its strong foundations based on rule of the law, regardless of ethnicities or religions involved.

Professor He Weifang of Beijing University, an expert in law, understands this and has championed the rule of law in China. In his first book, “In The Name Of Justice: Striving for the Rule of Law in China,” he lays down necessary components in his plan that could pave the way for China to eventually achieve a separate and independent judicial system. He suggests the country must first set up an independent reform committee. Secondly, the government should only nominate judges rather than appointing them directly. This is necessary to set the courts apart from the official reporting system in the government. Judges and lawyers in mainland China have long complained of interference in trials by government officials.

A separation between the government and the judiciary must be established before respect for rule of law can permeate society. It is not just for the benefit of Chinese citizens; it will also instill faith among foreign investors who feel legal contracts signed in the country do not safeguards their interests adequately (although the situation has improved since China joined the WTO). There is no doubt that a more independent judicial system would boost confidence in China's further forays into the international arena. The economic success and models of law in both Hong Kong and Taiwan could serve as a test model for China to move forward.

However it remains to be seen if the ruling party is going to have the will to achieve such a phenomenal change. For example, Professor He's first step is to establish a committee consisting of scholars and law experts to study the existing legal framework. But his proposition cannot take off unless it is supported whole-heartedly by the ruling Communist Party or backed by the collective will of the ruling class. That takes us back to the idea that China needs a determined leader if it is to undertake bold reforms; urgent advice echoed by both Wen Jiabao and Hu Jintao in their last address to the party before leaving office. The examples of Sun Yet Sen and early civilian presidents of nationalist China, who failed to push forth reforms due to lack of political and military will, act as a caution to future Chinese leaders. That was the exact reason why Chiang Zhimin attempted to hold on to his military office a bit longer before passing it on to Hu Jintau.

Xi Jinping

Can Xi Jinping emulate Deng Xiaoping and steer the country towards much-needed reforms? Or will he be like Hu Jintau and opt for the status quo and preserve the harmony of the party? The present signs look promising, for change seems to be on the agenda, even though a recent reshuffle in the standing committee, which left out a few high-profile reformists, does not reflect this sentiment.

There is a great need for reform in China. Words of caution from both Hu and Wen indicate that the Communist Party of China has taken note of the impending action. Also, Hu Juntao's voluntary relinquishment of all his posts to his successor Xi, unlike his predecessor Chiang Zhimin, indicates a willingness to give Xi the opportunity to move forward. Although some noted reformers were not included in the standing committee, there seemed to be consensus among the party on the reform front. Xi was given the mandate to move ahead and secure any reforms to keep the party in power and the country moving forward. The fact that, unlike in the past, high-level party members readily acknowledge the importance of the challenges facing China and the need for change means that they will heed to them. Xi Jinping may not appear as powerful a leader as is required to take China forward, but he will have to play that role nevertheless in order to achieve what China needs.

The most urgent reform he needs to address is the current Chinese judicial systems, because a robust and transparent legal structure is the cornerstone of every just and stable government. The present structure, riddled with abuse and corruption, is not only bad for China’s prospering economy, but also may undermine its global position and hurt strategic partners like the US in the long run. Despite its rhetoric on China’s questionable human rights and lack of democracy, Washington relies on Beijing’s cooperation on a great number of global issues, such as reining in North Korea. There is no doubt that reforms in judiciary and governance to stamp out evils like corruption and abuse of power are long overdue in China. The question, however, is how far and how fast they would be achieved under the new leadership. The answer alone will determine how serious China is about protecting its prosperity and relationship with the rest of the world.

The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect 51勛圖’s editorial policy.

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“A Dream Of Red Mansions” (or “The Story of The Stone” as it was also known) is one of the most beloved and revered novels in Chinese literature. This romantic story of a powerful clan (the Jia family) transitioning from greatness to eventual ruin amid a love triangle remains as much a hit today as when it came out in the 18^th century. It ranks as one of the four best Chinese classics of all time; the other three being “Romance of the Three Kingdoms”, “Travels to the West” and “Water Margin”. The novel was written by Cao Xueqin, who used his own family as the blueprint of the Jia family.  Due to the many depictions of female characters, it was considered more of a woman’s romance novel than the other three. So it was no surprise that Chinese American author Pauline A. Chen decided to write her own take on this timeless classic.

Pauline A. Chen was born in the United States, and is third generation Chinese from Taiwan. From an early age she was interested in the stories of her grandmother, who had to live within the approved role of a woman in a traditional family and suffered in silence. It was perhaps this interest that prompted her to study Chinese (the only sibling in her family to do so) and to understand more about its culture through literature. Pauline eventually got her PhD in East Asian Studies and taught Chinese language, literature, and film at the University of Minnesota. Yet “A Dream of Red Mansions” continued to intrigue her as it offered many role models of Chinese culture for her to study. Pauline finally decided to tackle this long classic after realizing that it is virtually unknown in the English-speaking world, and the only translation available was long and complex. She decided to do a condensed version that only focuses on four main characters, Lin Daiyu, Xue Baochai, Jia Baoyu and Wang Xifeng.  Her novel, “The Red Chamber”, was published in July.

Pauline Chan used the original plotline, but she was not averse to changing the characters to illustrate her points on female roles and their limitations. Without giving the plot away, Chan’s version is more sympathetic to Wang Xifeng (an ambitious and false beauty who in the novel is skilled in diplomacy, but can also “kill without using a knife”), Xue Baochai (a generally politically-minded young woman and cold in her calculations) and Lin Daiyu (an emotionally fragile and sickly character, but is also a genius at composing poetry). She gave them more dynamic situations than the original to perhaps illustrate their potential, which wasn’t realized in the original story. Pauline hoped that her readers would be intrigued enough by her presentation to read the original text. After all, her version is only a small fraction of the entire classic.

Perhaps it was because the story is too well known in China, Pauline’s version wasn’t received with great enthusiasm in the Chinese markets of Mainland China, Taiwan & Hong Kong, where best sellers like Harry Potter and books by Dan Brown have been quickly translated and marketed. But western readers can get a glimpse of the debate about women’s roles in Asia, and how it how much of that has remained unchanged by reading Pauline Chen’s updated take on an old tale. Strong women like Wang Xifeng aren’t likeable and eventually face ruin, while an idealist like Lin Daiyu and a traditionalist like Xue Baochai struggle for a voice in their own destiny. Can a woman really chose her way of life and achieve balance and satisfaction? It is an open question that Pauline Chen leaves for her audience even as the fate of her characters are decided. The debate still goes on. 

The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect 51勛圖's editorial policy.

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One of the most important announcements from President Obama in this election year was his support for gay marriage. Whether this “evolution” would ultimately cost him his presidency is too early to tell, but it is no exaggeration that gay marriage remains a hot button issue in US politics. Contrast that to Asia, where there is no legislation of any form that protects the rights of gays from discrimination, such an idea would seem incredible.

The fact is that in most Asian countries, homosexuality remains problematic. China does not have laws against homosexual acts, but law enforcement for years used different means to deter people, ranging from closing gay bars to arresting gays for jaywalking. In Japan, when a well known athlete was outed for going to a gay venue, he apologized and said homosexuality was like a hobby to him. Taiwan and Thailand are both known to be tolerant of gays, but no specific laws exist that protect their rights. Hong Kong is the only territory that officially decriminalized homosexual acts between men. The law passed through the legislative council in 1990 – only 7 years before the British handed Hong Kong back to mainland China. On the religious front, most Christian churches deemed it a sin, and there has been little discussion if none at all on the issue.

However, people slowly seem to be ready to start tackling the problem. On June 28^th, a group of 22 gay friendly pastors, coming from mainland China, Taiwan, Singapore, South Korea, Japan and the United States, signed a historic joint document to show their support for gays. Their statement came in response to the hateful comments made by Hong Kong Baptist pastor Enoch Lam, who publicly compared homosexuality to drug abuse, gambling, homicide, and cancer on a local radio show. Pastor Lam later recanted his comments, and the pastors’ letter did show that there is active support for gay rights from the once conservative city of Hong Kong. Their letter marked the first time Christian ministers have spoken just about publicly in support of gays in Asia and surprised everyone but Anthony Man Ho Fung.

Mr Man, a forty year old gay activist living in Hong Kong, is no stranger to discrimination against gays in the work place as the current bill of rights in Hong Kong guarantees equal rights to the elderly, gender, race and those who have handicaps, but stops short of sexual orientation. In fact, Man Ho Fung first started his activism in a gay Christian group in 1993. Since then he has written books, spoken on radio talk shows and appeared on television urging the Hong Kong public to face up to the unfairness of the current situation. Recently he broke new ground as the first openly gay theology student to enter a seminary. If ordained, Mr Man would be the first openly gay pastor in the former British colony. He was however quite realistic when he said that he would not expect the traditional Christian churches to publicly embrace gays and gay clergy in the foreseeable future; but the recent support by the pastors did bring the argument to the surface. Mr Man also had the opportunity to meet with the openly gay Episcopal bishop Gene Robinson of New Hampshire, who was in turn endorsed by South African bishop Desmond Tutu. Whether or not the revolution in the American Episcopal Church would have any effect on the situation on the other side of the Pacific is still an unknown factor, but it does bring hope for millions of gay Christians living in Asia, a continent where they still do not have a seat at the table.

All in all, this should be seen in the larger context of achieving gay rights and acceptance in a continent that has always marginalized their very existence. With the rapid change of ideas from the West as countries in North and South America and Europe began accepting gay marriage as the norm, Asia undoubtedly would have no choice but to acknowledge and accommodate these changes as they have bearings on politics, economics, and culture in the global spectrum; however the pace at which they would change will heavily depend on the eventual shift in public opinion in these countries. In places like Hong Kong, Singapore or Taiwan, the future looks more promising for the eventual acceptance of gay rights among the panoply of human rights.  In the rest of Asia though, legal progress may be much slower to come.

The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect 51勛圖’s editorial policy.

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The current Euro crisis is strongly correlated with China���s economic stability and growth, with Europe being an important business partner and one of the main exporting areas for Chinese goods. Recently the Euro mess has caught on to trade, sending manufacturing activity to a halt. China has always wished to counterbalance the weak US Dollar (long pegged to the Chinese yuan) with a basket of currencies that it considers to be good alternatives. When the switch was finally made in 2005, one of the most important currencies in the basket was the euro. Since then, the welfare of the euro has had a direct impact on the Chinese economy.

When the global financial crisis first broke in 2008, the then French President Nicolas Sarkozy asked China to step in and come to the rescue. Sarkozy was politely rebuffed by China who stated that it was a purely European problem best solved by the governments of the Eurozone. This was because the Chinese had just bailed out the United States by buying huge batches of Treasury bills, pushing China ahead of other countries like Japan and Russia as the biggest creditor of the United States. The other reason was that the problems of the Eurozone were structurally more complex as they were composed of different governments and their diverse policies. With China out of the frame, Germany has become the biggest bailer of the region rescuing countries like Greece, Spain, Portugal, Italy and Ireland. While China had once hoped that a strong Euro could be a counterbalance to the dollar, it has become more and more evident that this can never be the case.

Still it is in China���s interests to stabilize the currencies, both for trade purposes and in preparation for the inevitable reality of the free flow of the Chinese yuan into the market. The yuan had already appreciated due to the huge amount of international trade with surpluses in addition to US pressure to allow it to flow freely into the currency market (The yuan today is still a hard currency with exchange rates tightly controlled by the Chinese Central Bank). So eventually China ended up buying large amounts of Euros and other currencies to stabilize the price, accumulating the biggest forex pile in the world at US$3.24tr. Switzerland recently did the same to weaken the swiss franc, such that the country is now being called the ���new China���.

It is interesting that in view of the dire economic situation in both the United States and Europe that China became more aggressive in its pursuit of new markets through both diversification and acquisition of natural resources. While the prices of steel and other industrial metals tumbled recently due to the fall in the rate of growth in building and construction, prices of corn and soya beans achieved record highs, fanning fears of a price hike similar to that of 2007/2008. China has long anticipated this scenario and subsequently invested heavily in places like Brazil for its agriculture capabilities. China has also aggressively invested in countries with huge potential in natural resources like Canada, Australia and a host of African countries. It is within this context that one should view the events currently unfolding in the South China Sea, as under those disputed islands also lie untapped resources. It would be nice to believe in China���s narrative that their claims to the South China Sea is because of their right to exercise sovereignty claims and to reclaim national pride for the once oppressed Chinese people, but in reality their aggressive stance is due to their continuing acquisition of the world resources, a policy that China has not deviated from over the past 10 years.

The future of the Eurozone remains unclear as the austerity measures become more and more unpopular such that the German people will eventually tire of bailing everybody out. A long-term solution to the question of the euro���s future will have to be devised. China, along with the United States, will hope that day comes earlier rather than later. But even if the unimaginable happens, and the world faces the total or partial dismembering of the euro, the actions described in this analysis demonstrate China will be prepared for the fallout and its consequences.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect 51勛圖’s editorial policy.��

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On June 2nd 2012, Queen Elizabeth II of Great Britain will be officially observing her Diamond Jubilee as the monarch of Great Britain as well as head of the Commonwealth, which includes countries from Canada and Australia to those in Africa and Asia. For some she has remained the symbolic head of state, and her image can be found in their stamps and currencies. But this is a far cry from the 1897 Diamond Jubilee of her great-great-grandmother Queen Victoria, which was a celebration of an empire on which the sun never set.

In fact, the only similarity between the two leaders is that both lived to celebrate this jubilee.

The coronation of Elizabeth II was held in Westminster Abbey on June 2nd 1953, a few months after the death of her father King George VI. Hong Kong at the time was still a crown colony ruled by the British. Fondly called the “Pearl of The Orient”, Hong Kong was one of the few Eastern jewels remaining in the crown after the independence of India in 1947 and the impending breakaway of Singapore in 1963. The people there rejoiced at the coming of the new monarch, affectionately calling her “our own mistress” and actively participating in the coronation celebrations in the territory. My mother remembered those celebrations, which were so welcome after the hard reconstruction years after World War II. It was a time of optimism and hope of renewal, although the political situation across the border in communist China would seriously affect Hong Kong in the next few years. Hong Kong had always been governed under a monarch until the handover to China in 1997. In 1842, the Dowager Empress Cixi of China signed Hong Kong away in a treaty and the British Queen Victoria took it over. For the next hundred plus years, it would remain that way.

Why does the Jubilee matter to a former crown colony? The answer lies in the territory itself. After 1997, because of political and economic necessity, Hong Kong began to move its orbit away from the West and towards China. It was purely a strategic move due to the growing economic and political ascendency of China in the global arena which Hong Kong reaped great benefits from. However some argue that it never had the same kind of dynamic creativity as it did during the British period. That was because at the time the people could use their creativity to inject energy into industries (especially media in form of movies, TV and music) without worrying about censorship of any kind. The ICAC, the anti corruption bureau set up by the British, remains the most effective of its kind in Asia, making Hong Kong  one of the best places to conduct business. Scenically everything looks the same. The harbor and peak retained the name Victoria and street names continue to refer to a past where only white governors were remembered. 

However one should not take this nostalgia too far. During the British rule, there were certainly abuses and unfairness in the system, but perhaps they were able to learn from the mistakes made with India and Singapore. That British rule did not end up being hated was testimony to their evolution in governance. Even though Queen Elizabeth may not have the satisfaction of having her former subjects celebrate her historic day in the same way they did with Queen Victoria, those who still remember in the territory will take some measure of satisfaction and happiness from it.

The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect 51勛圖’s editorial policy.

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The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect 51勛圖’s editorial policy.

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2012 should have been a year of celebration in Hong Kong as it reached the landmark 15th year after the handover from Great Britain in the summer of 1997. However, recent events in the territory helped remind everyone how much China and Hong Kong remain divided.

To begin with, barely a week after the New Year celebration, a Beijing professor went on a talk show and called the people of Hong Kong “bastards” and “the running dogs of the British.” It was a shocking and vicious attack coming from one who claims ancestry from Confucius, who of course wrote the book on the correct form of etiquette and manners “Li Chi.” But what we saw here was more than bad manners. Professor Kong Qingdong (who once walked with Tiananmen Demonstration leader Wang Dan in 1989) said that since the Hong Kong people do not speak Mandarin (the official Chinese dialect), they should be called bastards. As expected, Hong Kong people staged and lodged angry protests, and the professor had to backtrack on his comments.

This event illustrates that even after 15 years of Chinese governance in Hong Kong, there are still issues between the Mainland and the Special Administration Zone. While Hong Kong continues to compete and identify itself globally, some in the Mainland feel that it did not change enough socially to fit in with the rest of China. With the concept of “one country, two systems” guaranteed under the basic law for 50 years, the people in Hong Kong naturally did not feel the need to radically switch into a system that is still in its developmental stage. Even though business with China has long been a reality that no one in Asia could ignore, it comes with some heavy baggage. Corruption, bureaucracy and disregard for international law (mostly in the realm of protection of intellectual property) are issues that the Mainland Government must deal with as economic growth roars ahead. It is due to this that the long overdue reforms must be slow and cautious. That is the real reason why Hong Kong continues to rely on its international ties and seeks to reconfirm to the world that their standards will not slip. In that Hong Kong is rewarded as “the best place to do business” or “the freest place”. However, that does not mean that Hong Kong people are not patriotic; in fact it is the opposite. The handover has given the people of Hong Kong a national identity and the opportunity to help China to play an active role in the coming years.

In summing up the love/hate relationship between the two, one should give a hand of applause to the late premier Deng Xioping. This French-educated architect of the “One Country Two Systems” clearly foresaw the future bumps and glitches that could result in the intervening years between the two systems. Therefore the 50 years of no change in Hong Kong calms fears as well as gives time for China to catch up to the western or international standard of governance. It is a bold experiment that continues to surprise critics that China may yet make this work.

The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect 51勛圖’s editorial policy.

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The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect 51勛圖’s editorial policy.

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