In 1932, the Soviet Union intentionally manufactured, exacerbated and, subsequently, covered up the mass starvation, execution and imprisonment of 9 million ethnic Ukrainians — a tragedy now known as the . This heinous policy was an attempt by��Joseph Stalin to crush the Ukrainian spirit of independence, as well as the identity of the Ukrainian people.

Unfortunately, despite considerable domestic support for the initiative — including the creation of a Holodomor memorial in Washington in 2015 — the United States is yet to recognize the Holodomor as genocide. Meanwhile, the Ukrainian Parliament passed a decree defining the Holodomor as an act of genocide in 2006. America’s reluctance to officially do so is not only a foreign policy shortcoming, but also a moral failure of leadership. However, it is never too late to correct this egregious wrong. In fact, now is the optimal time for the US to renew efforts and formally recognize the Holodomor as genocide. Doing so would honor the victims, grant justice to the Ukrainian people, and improve the relationship between the US and Ukraine during a politically uncertain time.

The , starting with his campaign’s successful effort to modify the and Ukraine in favor of the former. Then there are President Donald Trump’s various attempts to befriend Russian President Vladimir Putin. Recently, the US-Ukraine relationship faced new pressure with the ever-growing revelations around Paul Manafort, President Trump’s former campaign chairman who lobbied for the now ousted pro-Russian government of Viktor Yanukovych. Such revelations have only served to create a degree of mistrust among both on the streets and the hallways of power in Ukraine toward the US, perceived as not having Ukraine’s best interests in mind.

The Trump administration and several members of the Republican-controlled Congress have been dogged by . Admonishing , such as by claiming the famine was systemic across the Soviet Union and not deliberate or suppressing any journalistic coverage of the tragedy, is an effortless way of pushing back against a delegitimizing narrative.

Moreover, on an international scale, bolstering a diminished image in regard to human rights serves Washington’s interests. President Trump and his administration have faced serious criticism about their commitment to the current world order and human rights. Supporting a formal recognition will bolster the United States’ standing while refuting the .

Recognition by the US would also play a role in pushing back against Russian disinformation tactics such as the historical and , at a time when memory of Russian and Soviet rule seems to be fading in much of Europe and Eurasia. Specifically, countering the false narrative about Stalin and the Holodomor would be an important soft-power tool in Eastern Ukraine, helping divide Russia and pro-Russian separatists separatists from the populace under their control.

The US refusal to recognize the Holodomor as a genocide in the past has stemmed from pressing diplomatic needs such as defeating Adolf Hitler in World War II, easing tensions with the Soviet Union in the 1980s, and resetting relations with Russia in the 1990s. Even now, some would likely argue that it would further damage relations with Russia. Yet Moscow has made it clear through its actions beyond Ukraine — in places like Syria and even the United States — that maintaining a is no longer in its interest. , influence US elections and generally undermine the fundamental essence of democracy in America are well beyond the Cold War adversarial relationship and should abolish such concerns about future friendly relations going forward. Appeasement diplomacy toward Russia should be removed from consideration.

Recognizing the Holodomor as genocide is not without historical or even current support for Congress to build upon. In 1988, a reported to Congress that the USSR had committed genocide against Ukrainians between 1932 and 1933. Sadly, this conclusion was merely an advisory that Congress did not then take up. Progress has been made at state level, with Washington State legislature approving a and several more, like California, coming close. According to the Ukrainian Congressional Committee of America, schoolbook publishers are seeking to include the Holodomor in their textbooks. Congress can build upon such a strong base of momentum and support to jumpstart the initial effort for a recognition initiative.

It is finally time for the US to do the right thing and formally recognize the Holodomor as genocide. Aside from the obvious foreign policy benefits, pushing back against Russia and bolstering the United States’ damaged image regarding human rights, it is the morally right decision for the leader of the international community. The US can set a new precedent for recognizing genocide and, perhaps, the 9 million victims of the Holodomor can finally begin to receive a degree of justice.

*[Young Professionals in Foreign Policy is a of 51�Թ�.]

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The geopolitical implications of in Afghanistan are enormous. While the Russian Federation is likely doing this purely to spite the United States, it is inadvertently undermining its own interests in the region. This represents an ironic and dangerous turn in what has been popularized as a new in Central Asia. Russia’s aid to and support for��the Taliban not only threatens US interests, but Chinese ones��as well. Thus, Russia has created an opportunity for the United States and China to push back against its controversial actions in Afghanistan through building cooperation on both security and development issues.

Russia’s warming relationship with the Taliban will weaken the foundation of its strategic partnership of mere with China for several reasons. Supporting the Taliban directly contradicts one of China’s core diplomatic principles: non-interference in another sovereign nation’s affairs — though China’s hypocrisy with regard to this principle is well known.

China cannot simply look past Russia’s actions in Afghanistan, as both nations are supposed to play leading roles in the (SCO), an organization dedicated to fighting the “three evils” of separatism, extremism and terrorism. The Taliban can easily be linked to the strains of extremism and terrorism that threaten the stability of every Central Asian nation, as well as China’s Muslim Uighur-minority province of Xinjiang. In fact, the Russia-China divide over Afghanistan and Central Asia has already begun with China’s creation of an with Afghanistan, Tajikistan and Pakistan; Russia was notably cut out entirely.

This is unsurprising, as Russian support for a religious fundamentalist organization like the Taliban runs counter to China’s goal of preserving secular stability in Afghanistan, especially at a time when it is on religiosity in its own Xinjiang Autonomous Province. While China may hedge in its with the Taliban, it does not actively support the group��over the preferable secular government in place. Now, with the chances of a on Afghanistan weakening, the United States has an opportunity to expand upon the cooperation it has recently built with China over North Korea by taking advantage of China’s security fears in Central Asia to offset Russia’s actions in Afghanistan.

The United States can also partner with China to provide greater security assistance and capacity training to the Afghan National Army, which has long struggled to establish itself as an effective fighting force against the Taliban. With China’s possible in eastern Afghanistan, a partnership to legitimize and strengthen their presence will go a long way in helping the US��stabilize the country and prevent extremism from spilling into Xinjiang. Considering the United States and China’s mutual interest in Afghanistan’s stability, the destructiveness of a Russian-armed Taliban provides ample incentive for US-Chinese cooperation.

Additionally, by supporting the Taliban in a stronger and more overt manner, Russia risks pushing the nations of Central Asia further toward China for security guarantees and into greater cooperation with the United States. There is strong evidence that other have benefited from the Taliban’s resurgence due to Russia’s support. These benefits have come in the form of military successes, sometimes under Taliban direction, and an overall higher organizational morale. The United States should make every effort to highlight Russia’s duplicitous dealings with the fundamentalist Taliban to nations like Tajikistan and Uzbekistan and then offer US support to stabilize their Afghan neighbor.

In a blatant attempt to hurt US interests, Russia risks damaging its own security, its fragile relations with China and its sphere of influence in Central Asia. The contradictions Russia has created for China and the nations of Central Asia are simply too great to ignore. The United States is well positioned with the advent of a Trump-Xi personal rapprochement and state-level cooperation on North Korea to cooperate in another area of mutual interest: Afghanistan.

*[Young Professionals in Foreign Policy is a partner institution of .]��

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect 51�Թ�’s editorial policy.��

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