Ugandans and indeed the international community watch on as nearly two months of tension-stoked drama gets a brief interlude with the adjournment of the treason case brought against the music star and . Popularly known by his stage name Bobi Wine, Kyagulanyi has made headlines after being for having allegedly pelted stones at President Yoweri Museveni’s convoy during a by-election campaign in the town of Arua.

While in military custody, his lawyers reported he had been , a claim that seems supported by Wine’s appearance in court on crutches, visibly in pain. In brazen disregard for the rule of law, he was cleared by the military court on , but almost immediately rearrested and transferred to a civilian court to face treason charges. He had since been and allowed to travel to the US for treatment, but the treason charge carries a death penalty, and Wine has vowed not to back down in his quest for justice and freedom.

His arrest triggered widespread , with civil society organizations, opposition politicians and international organizations calling for his immediate release. As a result, Wine’s rising popularity, especially among young people, is increasingly becoming a headache for the Museveni administration.

Autocratic Democracy

Wine’s case is the latest example of a ravenous scourge that has bedeviled the African continent: high-handed tyrants masquerading under the pretext of commitment to democratic values while pursuing their hegemonic agenda. Dissenting voices are often meted the same treatment as Wine, most of whom are speaking up for press freedom, anti-absolutism, anti-corruption, transparency and government accountability. While some leaders use this as a tactic to cow the opposition into silence, others have gained a reputation in making it an official state policy, sometimes with open support from Western governments.

Wine is not alone in this ordeal. In the south of the African continent, Zambian security forces are gearing up to rearrest before 2019. He had been first arrested in April 2017 for plotting to overthrow the government simply because his convoy failed to make way for President Edgar Lungu’s motorcade. However, Hichilema’s actual crime was his refusal to recognize Lungu as president, alleging irregularities in and the rigging of the 2016 elections that extended his rule. Even him (and the five others accused) as “victims of longstanding persecution” by authorities who face charges designed to “harass and intimidate.”

Across North Africa, varying degrees of repression exist, but one country has taken it to alarmingly high levels — Egypt. Deposing the duly-elected president, Mohamed Morsi, in a brute military coup and taking over in sham elections were a child’s play in President Abdel-Fattah al-Sisi’s long list of abominable credentials. Six weeks after the overthrow of the pro-Muslim Brotherhood government, he supervised the most brutal in Egypt’s recent political history, killing over 800 people near Rabaa al-Adawiya mosque in Cairo.

What followed is even more bizarre. Over 700 people are currently on charges ranging from murder to incitement to violence, all in connection with the massacre. Morsi is also serving a 20-year jail term, having been convicted for the killing of protesters during demonstrations in 2012. On top of this, he has for spying for Qatar in a separate case, and has had a death sentence overturned (for retrial) in yet another case.

Ironically, Sisi’s administration seems to get pats on the back from Western governments, which has emboldened it to do more. Of course, discarding human rights advocacy for regional interests has long been a trademark of the West. Not a word of condemnation came from the US and major European governments over the initial coup he effected and benefited from. It only took the working for the Qatari-based international news channel Al Jazeera — Peter Greste, Mohamed Fahmy and Baher Mohamed — to evoke some reaction, apparently due to the former two being Australian and Canadian respectively. As you read this, another Al Jazeera journalist, Mahmoud Hussein, has spent over 20 months in Egyptian detention facilities without charge on grounds of “incitement against state institutions and broadcasting false news with the aim of spreading chaos.”

The same can be said of the Western part of the continent where former military Muhammadu Buhari is now the president of Nigeria. Early last year, the Nigerian police raided a popular online news outlet, , and arrested its editor-in-chief and a reporter. The raid came a day after the website rebuffed requests by the army to retract stories published about its operations. Expectedly, the official police explanation was that they were acting on a complaint filed by the military’s most senior officer, the chief of army staff. It is noteworthy that this same army went on a in December 2015, murdering more than 300 people in cold blood for blocking the convoy of the said army chief, Lieutenant-General Tukur Yusuf Buratai.

In Nigeria’s south, recently gained freedom after spending two years in detention without trial for links to armed militancy in the Niger Delta region, an allegation he denies.

Holding Tyrants Accountable

The list is inexhaustible. Barring a few exceptions, the entire continent is littered with despots whose insatiable thirst for power knows no decency or respect for human rights and dignity.

Museveni’s quest to consolidate power is the very foundation of Bobi Wine’s travails. Uganda’s constitutional court had in July validated a law scrapping the of 75 years, a ruling potentially allowing Museveni to extend his three-decade hold on power, with Wine the staunchest opposition and most vocal critic. Aside from that, the by-election in Arua was eventually won by an independent candidate, Kassiano Wadri, whom Wine supported. In fact, it was the third parliamentary by-election Museveni’s party had lost to the opposition in which Bobi Wine played a key role.

Ironically, the United States backs Museveni as the bastion of stability in East Africa just as it supports Sisi in the north. This invidious duplicitousness from the West calls to question its commitment to upholding freedom and civil liberties across the African continent.

But while diplomatic condemnations have worked in mitigating this anomaly — such as the successful campaign by Australia and Canada to free the Al Aljazeera journalists — citizen engagement, free press and pressure from activists has proven to be just as effective. Wine and Abiri both secured freedom after public outcry by citizens and the local media in both countries, with the international media and human rights organizations also playing a strong part. But until the West sorts out its double-faced disposition, the African citizenry and media should hold its tyrants accountable.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect 51łÔąĎ’s editorial policy.

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Nigerian civil society groups are watching warily as long-running protests in neighboring build in intensity, with some Nigeria’s President Muhammadu Buhari to intervene and urge the Nigerien government to halt the “harassment and detention of civil society leaders” in the country. The protests mostly center around high cost of living, but authorities in Niger have responded to parallel demands for civil liberties and political freedom in the way African governments often do: with a . Between March and April, the Nigerien government arrested around 26 people in anti-government related protests, with most coming from the ranks of civil society. Some are now suing the authorities for their “.”

The events in Niger offer yet another reminder of the risks African activists face on a daily basis when standing up to the continent’s powerful. But they also offer an opportunity to consider the diversity of activist movements in Africa and the fact that not all of them are necessarily driven by altruism. Many grassroots figures take on authoritarian regimes and powerful business interests to advance causes like higher standards of living, improved public health, safer environments and increased transparency. More than a few others, however, use the tools of civic engagement to target vulnerable minority groups or undermine important reforms.

Heavy Price

That political activism comes with a heavy price tag seems to be a ubiquitous issue across the continent. In the troubled East African nation of Burundi, recently bagged 32 years in prison for “rebellion and threatening state security.” As Human Rights Watch has pointed out, Rukuki is in fact a human rights defender whose crime was to surrounding President Pierre Nkurunziza’s move to run for (and ultimately win) a third consecutive term in violation of the two-term limit set by Burundi’s constitution.

The capacity for repression is not limited to governments. In Nigeria, anti-smoking activist , of Environmental Rights Action/Friends of the Earth, hasĚýprovoked the anger of players with his against its attempts to influence government policy. The backlash against Oluwafemi started with death threats, but then escalated to an attack on his home by armed men who murdered both his brother-in-law and his guard. Oluwafemi was one of several activists to share their stories during the World Conference on Tobacco or Health, which took place in Cape Town in March this year, and highlighted the dangers faced by those who stand up to the powerful Big Tobacco.

Arrests, jail sentences, and threats of violence are not the only tools corrupt or autocratic African leaders have at their disposal. Even though civil society groups operate with greater freedom in much of southern Africa, and even if activists have achieved in fighting graft, governments and business interests still have considerable resources at their disposal to counteract grassroots pressure.

Former South African was forced out by an impending no-confidence vote earlier this year, but prior to that, he managed to cling on to power for years despite constant corruption scandals and mass protests in the streets. Zuma’s approach of shrugging off public pressure while over institutions like state prosecutors and the police kept him in office. His downfall only came when his rel=”noopener”>African National Congress party, fearful of electoral backlash, finally abandoned him.

It was an ignoble end for a man who was himself a working alongside Nelson Mandela against apartheid, but Zuma is a living example of yesterday’s heroes transforming into today’s villains. South Africa is desperately short of activists willing to pick up today. Instead of promoting racial and social coexistence, the courts have had to restrain the movement from intimidating journalists and editors in pursuit of their radical goals of land expropriation from white South Africans.

As with state oppression, grassroots attacks on minorities seem to be a continental trend. South Africa’s fault lines are racial, but in other countries, some faith-based and religious organizations pressure governments and co-opt other civic formations to the detriment of other members of society. Projects to promote good family health practices and reduce intolerance against people on the basis of sexual orientation have been stymied by an international alliance of African and Western . Ironically, these campaigners frame initiatives like access to health care and respect for minorities as “colonial” ventures, despite their own deep connections with the Christian right in places like the United States.

Local Complexity

African activists have adopted more than just religious fervor from their Western counterparts. As in the United States, Africa has a certain class of activist whose activities ultimately serve more than the public good. These include Kenya’s serial filer of lawsuits, , who constantly challenges new government regulations by filing lawsuits whose ultimate beneficiaries are the łŮłó±đĚý and other pressure groups.

One such case, which recently threatened to upend Kenyan tax policy, focused on for bottled drinks, which, Omtatah claimed, would burden manufacturers and consumers with higher costs. While one court initially ruled that the government’s implementation of the Excise Goods Management System was unconstitutional, Kenya’s Court of Appeal has allowed it to . The matter has serious implications for the country’s fiscal health and, by raising prices on sugary drinks, it has important benefits forĚý as well.

As with many other aspects of political and economic life on the continent, there is a complexity to African civil society and grassroots activism that escapes the international eye. Civic engagement in Africa has much in common with the West, although there is ultimately one key difference that works to Africa’s detriment. Civil society groups in most Western countries can articulate their views in an environment of respect for the physical safety of individuals, tolerance for opposing viewpoints and identities, and commitments to transparency. Their counterparts in even the freest of African countries cannot say the same.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect 51łÔąĎ’s editorial policy.

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Following a of the Doraleh Container Terminal and the abrupt termination of DP World’s contract by the Djibouti authorities at the end of February, the company’s chairman, Sultan Ahmed bin Sulayem, had harsh words for both Djibouti and other governments on the African continent. Speaking at a , Sulayem stressed that “Africa needs infrastructure investments and if countries can change their law, [to take assets then this] is going to basically make it more difficult to attract investment.”

The seizure is the latest chapter in a between the government of Djibouti and DP World, a Dubai-based trade-logistics company, over a concession agreement that saw the latter design, build and operate the container terminal at the Port of Doraleh, in which DP World holds a 33% stake. Djibouti had alleged that the 30-year concession (in effect since 2006) “contains elements in flagrant violation of its sovereignty.”ĚýIn 2014, it initiated legal proceedings at the London Court of International Arbitration (LCIA) accusing DP World of to the head of Djibouti’s port authority, Abdourahman Boreh, when the concession was secured.

Those allegations were categorically rejected by the LCIA last year. The court ruled the concession terms were “fair and reasonable” and cleared Boreh of wrongdoing after the Djiboutian government ran into trouble for .ĚýComing one year after that decision, DP World claims the seizure is just another step in Djibouti’s campaign to force a renegotiation of the contract. Dubai’s government also Djibouti of arbitrarily flouting a signed agreement.

Competing Interests

But why is Djibouti so insistent on renegotiating the deal? The real reason behind this otherwise complicated legal tussle is the battle for influence over the country’s ports. In fact, the tiny country is a square in a geopolitical chessboard where world powers, particularly the United States and China, are competing for pre-eminence. The Doraleh area houses America’s largest military base in Africa, as well as China’s, which inaugurated its first African base there last August.

After the port seizure, many American officials feared Djibouti’s intentions were to seize the port from DP World only to to the Chinese. The erstwhile US secretary of state, Rex Tillerson, made Djibouti one of the five stops on the African tour that turned out to be his last. peaking in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, just before his dismissal, this oblique warning: “We are not, in any way, attempting to keep Chinese investment dollars out of Africa. They are badly needed. However, we think it’s important that African countries carefully consider the terms of those investments.”

Tillerson’s point is a valid one. Locals are increasingly worried about their countries’ over-reliance on Chinese money. Beijing’s investments span across almost all sectors, and there seem to be hidden strings attached. Earlier this year, that China had bugged the headquarters of the African Union. That the AU building itself was wholly financed and built by China raised eyebrows, in particular the reports that its systems sent data to Chinese servers for five years.

Large swathes of Chinese investments in the media sector have raised concerns aboutĚýmedia neutrality as well. In 2012, the Nigerian state of Kaduna just over $30 million to fund its shift from analogue to digital broadcasting — a brazen attempt to strengthen the state-mouthpiece model of broadcasting over local independent voices.

While the Chinese investment model is far from exemplary, some Africans focus on the potential positives. Kenyan president the question by insisting that, for China-Africa relations to get better, “just as Africa opens up to China, China must also open up to Africa.”

Potential Positives

In reality, investment in African countries cannot be a zero-sum game between American, Chinese and other interests. The continent, as both Sulayem and Tillerson rightly pointed out, has serious infrastructural deficits that require large-scale investment.ĚýThe International Monetary Fund’s 2018 Article IV indicates Nigeria could grow its GDP by three-fourths of a percent if its large infrastructure gap is narrowed.

This means attracting investment from all sides and looking to creative solutions. Many African countries are taking the lead in capital investments, telecommunications and agriculture. The continent now has substantial investments from other regions such as the Middle East. Presently, between Africa and the Persian Gulf is valued at around $24 billion — representing a 700% growth over the previous decade.

Other analysts believe alternative , such as Islamic finance, could be key to closing sub-Saharan Africa’s infrastructural investment deficit, currently at $100 billion per annum. South Africa, Nigeria, Senegal, Togo and Ivory Coast have all issued sovereign sukuk (Islamic bonds). is also preparing to hop on board that train, though the Kenyatta government has pushed back its first issuing.

Irrespective of the numerous hurdles, the simple fact for investors to keep in mind is that Africa should not be treated as a charity case. The region has produced at least half of the world’s in the last two decades. Africa is estimated to be home to 1.7 billion people by 2030. Taken together, the consumer and business spending of that population will come to $6.7 trillion a year.

In 2016, the World Economic Forum highlighted , the core of which is its continuing economic diversification and its capability to lead in sustainable development in the future. With the recent signing of the agreement — an EU-like pact to unify Africa’s economies — by 44 countries, the continent’s demographic and economic growth will come to power global trade in the decades to come.

The rest of the world should see countries like Nigeria, Ethiopia, South Africa and Kenya as engines of future growth, so long as their governments can provide political stability, good governance and the rule of law. To make sure political capriciousness does not interfere with economic progress, leaders across the continent need to make sure Djibouti’s willingness to undermine other partnerships to please China proves the exception and not the rule.

*[This piece has been updated.]

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect 51łÔąĎ’s editorial policy.

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Health officials and experts from across the planet descended on Cape Town, South Africa, on March 7 for the Ěý(WCTOH), a triennial conference aimed at finding a solution to one of humanity’s deadliest preventable scourges: smoking. The conference is designed to highlight current developments in tobacco control and also push forward with efforts to scale down tobacco use in all its forms. This year’s choice of venue was highly significant, as Big Tobacco companies are increasingly to Africa.

Former New York mayor and billionaire media mogul Michael Bloomberg used the occasion to announce a new global tobacco industry watchdog — (STOP) — and pledge $20 million in funding. As the World Health Organization’s (WHO) for noncommunicable diseases (including smoking), Bloomberg used the conference platform to vent his frustration at tobacco companies and their in promoting “less harmful” alternatives that actually attract more smokers.

Examples abound. Philip Morris International (PMI), the maker of Marlboro, recently launched the Foundation for a Smoke-Free World, which critics have posited is neither independent nor credible. As : “Philip Morris International continues to aggressively market tobacco to children. They are fighting back against policies aimed at fighting smoking, including suing countries when they pass measures warning people about the dangers of tobacco.”

Nefarious Tactics

PMI is not the only company taking this approach, and many of the industry’s most nefarious tactics are aimed squarely at Africa. Facing dwindling fortunes in Europe and America due to strong regulations, the tobacco industry has made Africa the new front line in its pursuit of profits. The continent is home to the largest youth population in the world, making it the most vulnerable to tobacco industry tactics.

Though the overall prevalence rate of smoking in Africa is still relatively low at 14%, it also demonstrates the highest growth rate in the world. A 2010 survey by showed a 220% increase in cigarette consumption in Mozambique over the prior 16 years, while Nigeria’s consumption rate grew by 60%. A 2013 expert committee report warns that “without comprehensive tobacco prevention and control policies, it is estimated that smoking prevalence in the African region will increase by nearly 39 percent by 2030, from 15.8 percent in 2010 to 21.9 percent — the largest expected regional increase globally.”

Tobacco prevention and control are two major weaknesses for most African states. While the continent still has the fewest in the world, 90% of its population remained by smoke-free laws in 2009. Africa is bound for an entirely avoidable health crisis if things do not change. Unfortunately, the industry has resorted to its tried and tested series of (often unethical and even patently illegal) tactics to expand and solidify their market. Like in other parts of the world, the global tobacco firms use their — through lobbying, litigation and undermining of scientific evidence — to interfere with regulations and law enforcement mechanisms.

In 2015, for example, British American Tobacco (BAT) was accused of a Kenyan politician with £50,000 ($70,000) to prevent a company, which was not under its control, from providing the country with technology that could stamp out tobacco smuggling. Compared to some of BAT’s other alleged misdeeds, the Kenya scandal seems downright tame. According to whistleblowers, BAT has also in countries such as Somalia and South Sudan to sell its products and even built a secret town in the Democratic Republic of Congo to secretly grow tobacco crops.

Unfortunately, many African politicians and public office holders are themselves complicit in deliberately weakening or leaving unimplemented tobacco laws. Some are reputed to receive bribes or other material gratification from companies in exchange for this “service,” while others are allegedly active participants in illegal tobacco trading and tax evasion. In South Africa, the son of erstwhile President Jacob Zuma has been accused of in connection with his cigarette manufacturing business.

Smokescreens

Even though the industry is regularly implicated in cigarette smuggling, BAT and other companies often lambast governments for failing to take action. British American Tobacco South Africa (BATSA) launched a major “” on the impact of illicit cigarettes last year. In the middle of the WCTOH conference, members of the national Food and Allied Workers Union (FAWU) on the South African Revenue Service’s offices to demand a “war on illicit trade crime syndicates.” Disturbingly, the FAWU parrots the industry’s position that are to blame for an influx of illegal tobacco into the South African market.

This is just one grassroots example that demonstrates the industry’s expertise in creating smokescreens and twisting narratives. In reality, cheap illegal cigarettes prop up smoking rates. They also undermine public health strategies that use high tobacco taxes to from smoking. That is why the WHO’s advice diverges sharply from tobacco-industry talking points. Instead of lowering taxes, the WHO is clear that South Africa and other parties to the WHO’s Framework Convention on Tobacco Control should cooperate with each other (and not with the industry) to implement strongĚý to counter the global black market.

In this fractious context, choosing an African venue for the WCTOH sends a strong message of global solidarity. However, it will take more than just a conference to avert an emerging crisis. Governments, civil society, NGOs and international development partners need step up efforts to further implement the WHO’s proven on smoking cessation: eliminating the illicit tobacco trade, restricting sales to minors, leveraging the power of taxation, banning advertising and, perhaps most importantly of all, keeping the dishonest tobacco industry resolutely away from their decision-making.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect 51łÔąĎ’s editorial policy.

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In what has become a conventional trait among ruling parties in nascent democracies, the Cambodian governmentĚýĚýon November 16, 2017, for “plotting a coup.” This was the nadir of a systematically coordinated state-sponsored crackdown on the Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) by the prime minister, Hun Sen, and his ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP).

Sen has also orchestrated the closure of independent media outlets and restricted NGO activities, moves analysts have described as attempts to consolidate power in the wake of national elections billed for July 2018. To recall, the CNRP’s leader, in aĚýmidnightĚýraid in September 2017, and many of the party’s leadership have since fled into exile.

Expectedly, the dissolution was ordered by the Supreme Court of Cambodia in order to lend some tone of legal validity to the sham process. For someone who has been accused of repression, corruption and political violence in his three-decade rule, Hun’s actions come as no surprise. Needless to say that Dith Munty, the Supreme Court’s president, is one of Hun’s long-term political allies and occupies a seat on the CPP’s highest decision-making body. “It makes a mockery of fair justice to have someone in a leadership position within one political party sit in judgment on the conduct of that party’s main opposition. … There can be no starker example of an inherent conflict of interest,”Ěý, senior international legal advisor for the International Commission of Jurists, a rights group.

To many, this comes as no surprise. The Cambodian government has a notorious history of rights abuses and stifling press freedom. In 2015, it took extensive negotiations by unions and to increase the minimum wage of workers in the garment sector to a paltry $140/month (now set to ), despite the sector being the country’s key export earner; most workers hardly earn decent remuneration for their work. Likewise, 2017 saw a consistent crackdown on the media, the culmination of which for “violating contracts” they had with the government. By September, Radio Free Asia had to discontinue its operations in Cambodia when the atmosphere became unbearable.

The opposition leader, Kem Sokha, is still in prison and has faced series of interrogations, despite the fact that he has recently refused to respond to questions, citing the illegality of his detention.

Consequently, the crackdown on the opposition has had a ripple effect both regionally and internationally. The US, which Sen has accused of working with the CNRP to coordinate the alleged coup, has promised “concrete steps” against Cambodia. The EU has also said that “the European Union’s development cooperation and trade preferences are reliant on [Cambodia’s] respect for fundamental human rights and democratic principles,” in a statement by its foreign policy chief, Federica Mogherini.

The Chinese, on the other hand,Ěý, with China’s foreign minister, Wang Yi, stating that his government supports Cambodia’s efforts to “protect political stability.” However, nothing appears to be forthcoming from Cambodia’s immediate regional body, Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)

ASEAN is an intergovernmental organization of 10 Southeast Asian nations, including Cambodia. Some may argue that ASEAN, a regional bloc with a mandate to promote economic, political, security, military, educational and socio-cultural integration among its members, should not interfere in the crisis. However, a union with a charter built upon principles such as “upholding international law with respect to human rights, social justice and multilateral trade” and “development of friendly external relations and a position with the UN” cannot ignore gross human rights abuses and political repression in its own backyard.

Article 9 of the UNĚýĚýstates that “No one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest, detention or exile” and article 10 that “Everyone is entitled in full equality to a fair and public hearing by anĚýindependent and impartial tribunal in the determination of his rights and obligations and of any criminal charge against him.” Not only has the Cambodian government trampled upon these tenets, but almost the entire declaration is being violated, including the right of citizens to elect their leaders. The moral ground upon which ASEAN stands to claim that it upholds human rights, therefore, comes into question.

Worthy of note is the fact that in November 2012, łŮłó±đĚýĚýwas unanimously adopted by all members at a meeting in Phnom Penh. The declaration is supposed to assert ASEAN nations’ commitment to human rights protection. Though widely criticized, it was a positive development, but ASEAN must show further commitment.

First, the ASEAN declaration should be revised to reflect a full commitment to protecting human rights. Fundamental freedoms such as the right to freedom of association and the right to be free from enforced disappearance should be included. Also, ambiguous clauses that could be used to undermine human rights, such as “The realization of human rights must be considered in the regional and national context” (Article 7) and that human rights might be limited to preserve national security, public order, public health, public safety, public morality, etc., (Article 8) should be removed. This can be made an incontestable condition for continuous membership of ASEAN by member nations.

While some may suggest that łŮłó±đĚýĚýshould be given top priority, this will simply amount to misconstruing human processes. Guaranteeing the fundamental human rights of citizens is the very basis of economic prosperity. Therefore, the decision not to prioritize human rights protection will not only keep millions of people under repression but also exacerbate these economic problems.

If there is any good time for ASEAN to take constructive steps in the full protection of human rights and democracy, the recent Cambodian crackdown provides a good platform.

*[Updated: January 22, 2018.]

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect 51łÔąĎ’s editorial policy.

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In December 2017, exposed its readers to a horrific reality Nigerians have known about for years: the plight of female refugees and survivors from northeastern Nigeria who endure the deprivations of both Boko Haram and the security forces responsible for their safety.

Of course, The Times’ was only the latest example of outside journalists and human rights groups uncovering the epidemic of rape and sexual abuse facing Nigeria’s internally displaced women. In October 2016, (HRW) documented the abuse (including rape and exploitation) inflicted on 43 women and girls living in seven internally displaced persons (IDP) camps in Maiduguri, capital of Borno State and the epicenter of the Boko Haram insurgency.

Unfortunately, the story of 14-year-old Falmata shows how little has been done to protect IDPs since HRW raised the alarm. Having escaped the horrors of captivity and repeated rape at the hands of Boko Haram, she faced the same kind of sexual violence after having mustered an escape from her captors, this time in the hands of the very soldiers supposed to protect her. Her account of the ordeal illustrates the : “The same day I was brought there, soldiers started coming to rape me. They did it one after another. I’m not even sure those two knew about each other.”

Nigeria’s President Muhammadu Buhari ordered an investigation into the alleged rape of women and girls by security forces and officials in IDP camps in 2016. Despite his own status as a former general, President Buhari has nothing to show beyond some and the (long overdue) deployment of to the camps. Now, even those have seemingly escaped prosecution or disciplinary action.

This lack of effective oversight over the campaign against Boko Haram has proved lethal. In 2015, responsible for the deaths of over 7,000 men and boys and more than 1,200 extrajudicial executions since 2011. In June 2017, a military panel against them, citing insufficient evidence. An independent investigation into the allegations promised by Buhari two years ago has yet to commence.

It may be tempting to cite as an excuse for his failure to act more decisively. In context, however, the failure to punish sexual predators within the armed forces offers yet another example of his electoral promises of transparency and accountability turning out to be nothing more than obligatory lip service. Nigeria sorely needs concrete reforms to instill discipline and promote transparency in civilian relations with the armed forces. Thus far, Buhari has not delivered.

This may look like a primarily Nigerian problem, but the reality is far from it. In practically all conflict zones across the African region, armies and police forces regularly (if not systematically) prey on civilians. From false promises of marriage to outright rape, vulnerable children and women often face the worst abuse.

Beyond Nigeria, many prominent cases have come from the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) recently, where embattled President Joseph Kabila is resorting to autocratic methods to extend his 17 years in power. , but he has tactically employed a combination of political repression and duplicity to extend it. These include forcing the judiciary to , a former governor of the Katanga Province, who is widely tipped to succeed Kabila if and when elections are held, to for selling a property illegally. The charges against Katumbi are widely considered to be politically motivated, forcing him to continue his fight for a democratic transition from Europe.

While Kabila’s opponents have remained resolute in their opposition to his continued rule, the same cannot be said for the country’s internal security. The political crisis has worsened ongoing conflicts in regions like Kasai, where and 1.5 million have been forced from their homes. The Kasai conflict has been marked by dozens of gruesome mass graves; according to the United Nations, for digging (and filling) most of them.

Unlike Buhari, Kabila does not bother paying lip service to transparency and the rule of law. Instead, his since the start of the election crisis. It is disheartening to see supposedly democratic Nigeria perform no better than the DRC’s corrupt and autocratic regime on security or accountability indexes.

Even the United Nations and Western governments like France cannot prevent sexual violence and fatal human rights abuses under their watch. UN peacekeepers from the Republic of Congo and the DRC have been exploiting women and girls in the Central African Republic (CAR). From 2013 to 2014, to the CAR also allegedly raped and abused multiple children.

However, the tireless work of human rights organizations, who create the transparency that African governments and their international partners do not, is the one saving grace in the situation. Groups like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have done much of the heavy lifting to expose abuses and violations in Africa’s conflict zones. Thankfully, their efforts do not always fall on deaf ears. In the DRC, a issued in December 2017 has seen a sitting Congolese MP and 12 members of his militia convicted of rape and crimes against humanity.

Human rights defenders and journalists put their to report on these issues. They need greater support, protection, and cooperation from the governments whose jobs they are doing. Though it seems farcical to expect Kabila to commit to the principles of transparency and accountability, Buhari can and should be a more eager partner.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect 51łÔąĎ’s editorial policy.

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